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A core, flawed assumption of the Afghanistan campaign was that Pakistan would eventually become an ally and deny safe haven to the Taliban. The U.S. never held Pakistan accountable for its role as a sanctuary and logistics hub, which fatally undermined the entire operation.
A critical flaw in the Afghanistan peace talks was the disconnect between the negotiator and the President. A negotiator must be in the room where decisions on troop levels and other forms of leverage are made; without this direct line, their efforts are fundamentally undermined.
The policy of rotating commanders on one-year tours was a critical strategic flaw in Afghanistan. Each new commander arrived believing they had the "recipe for success" and would change the strategy, resulting in a series of disconnected, short-term plans that prevented long-term progress.
Unlike wars where a nation is attacked first (e.g., Pearl Harbor), "wars of choice" lack the sustained public support needed for a long conflict. The aggressor has a political weak point, which adversaries exploit to win a war of attrition, not battlefield victories.
Regardless of intent, military actions like bombings create personal tragedies that radicalize individuals. This blowback is an unavoidable consequence of war, leading to revenge attacks and perpetuating the conflict, a factor often underestimated in strategic planning.
The "absolutely clinical" US raid to capture Venezuela's president is lauded as a military success. However, historical precedents from Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003 show that initial military prowess in toppling a regime is no guarantee of long-term strategic success, which depends on far more complex political factors.
Advocates for regime change in Iran ignore the lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan. Destroying the existing regime is far easier than building a new, stable government. The US has a poor track record, spending trillions and thousands of lives in similar efforts only to see the original powers, like the Taliban, return.
Initial military actions, like successful bombings, can feel like victories. However, they often fail to solve the core political issue, trapping leaders into escalating the conflict further to achieve the original strategic goal, as they don't want to accept failure.
Nations like the US and USSR prolong involvement in failed conflicts like Afghanistan primarily due to "reputational risk." The goal shifts from achieving the original mission to avoiding the perception of failure, creating an endless commitment where objectives continually morph.
A key British intelligence failure before the Falklands War was assuming Argentina's junta would be constrained by factors like public opinion. This tendency to project democratic logic onto autocratic regimes was repeated with Putin's invasion of Ukraine, leading to surprise despite mounting evidence of intent.
The core weakness of U.S. foreign intervention isn't a lack of military or economic power, but a lack of seriousness about the aftermath. The U.S. lacks the patience, humility, and stamina for the difficult, unglamorous work of post-conflict planning and nation-building, dooming interventions to failure.