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Judging China's historical model as "economically inferior" is a category error. The Chinese empire's primary objective was stability and internal peace, which its clan-based system delivered effectively. The European fixation on progress and growth represented a different set of societal goals, not an inherently superior one.
Xi Jinping's focus on a long arc of Chinese history and managing a near abroad from a position of strength connects him more to powerful Qing emperors like Kangxi and Qianlong than to the revolutionary Mao. This comparison highlights his goal of restoring China's historical predominance.
Europe's nuclear family was too small to provide local public goods, spurring the creation of corporations like universities and guilds. In contrast, China's powerful, extended clans fulfilled these roles. This fundamental difference in social organization, not just technology or politics, was a key driver of the great divergence between the two regions.
China's foreign policy is shaped by its 5,000-year history as a land-based, agricultural civilization, rather than a maritime or expansionist one. This cultural foundation, valuing cultivation of one's own land over foreign conquest, is presented as the reason China has not started wars or colonized other nations in modern history.
Unlike a unified China, which could halt nationwide projects like shipbuilding on a whim, Europe's division into competing kingdoms created a resilient ecosystem for progress. If one nation abandoned an idea or technology, another could pick it up, fostering continuous development driven by interstate competition.
The key divergence between Europe and China appeared technologically long before it manifested in living standards. Beginning in the Renaissance, Europeans became the world's primary "agents of change"—innovating, adapting, and spreading ideas globally. In contrast, Chinese technological innovation largely stagnated after 1400, revealing a more fundamental gap in dynamism.
China incentivizes its regional leaders by allowing them to personally profit from the economic growth they generate. This corrupt system, while flawed, aligns their interests with increasing their region's productivity, making them more effective planners than their counterparts in other systems.
China's Communist Party (CCP) architected its system with capital controls and ultimate state authority to prevent subordination by Western corporate and financial powers. Unlike in other nations, there is no private entity or external force more powerful than the CCP.
Viewing China as a "rising" power is incorrect; it's a "reascending" one. For 70% of the years since 1500, China had the world's largest GDP. Its current trajectory is a return to its historical dominance, a framing that fundamentally alters the understanding of its global ambitions.
Unlike the West, China never developed constraints on imperial power because there was no independent church or landed aristocracy to challenge the emperor. The state captured the entire intellectual class through its exam system, preventing checks and balances from forming.
Contrary to its national narrative, a unified China is a rare exception. Its 3,000-year history is dominated by 29 civilizational collapses where the central state fails, warlords rise, and the population plummets. Unity is not its natural state.