Sophie Petter says the violence lets everyone blame the government for losing control, but it especially helps Marine Le Pen's law-and-order presidential campaign. The far left can also point to state failure, yet she says Le Pen benefits most. This dynamic turns disorder into electoral fuel for the extremes.
Sophie Petter says the government blamed the far left, while both extremes blamed police numbers. Interior Minister Lorne Nunez acknowledged police lost control and offered to resign; his resignation was not accepted, showing authorities underestimated turnout and violence. That admission captures how badly the state was caught off guard.
John McDermott says younger white Zimbabwean farmers, mostly in their 30s and 40s, partner with black recipients of large land parcels from the fast-track reform. Most ask former owners for permission; one said he would rather someone use his farm than let it ruin. It is pragmatic, sensitive progress.
John McDermott suspects around half of joint ventures end before their five-to-seven-year contracts. Lack of trust discourages investment in slow-profit crops like avocados and blueberries, and some younger farmers consider mining instead amid high gold prices. That undermines the model's long-term agricultural promise. It remains a stopgap, not a settled revival.
John McDermott says big tobacco firms including Tianzi lend farmers money and inputs, repaid at harvest. That contract farming has boosted smallholders like Lovemore Chiwa and encouraged new white farmers, while other crops lack similar credit. Credit, not just land, is the binding constraint on Zimbabwean agriculture. Tobacco's quick crop cycle makes the model work.
John McDermott says title deeds alone won't make banks lend while compensation for original farmers remains unanswered. A $3.5bn deal with Mugabe's successor never fully materialized, leaving agriculture in a purgatorial state and discouraging long-term investment. Property rights, not just production, determine whether farms can modernize.