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John McDermott suspects around half of joint ventures end before their five-to-seven-year contracts. Lack of trust discourages investment in slow-profit crops like avocados and blueberries, and some younger farmers consider mining instead amid high gold prices. That undermines the model's long-term agricultural promise. It remains a stopgap, not a settled revival.

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While innovative, conservation programs that pay communities to protect forests have a critical vulnerability: their incentive structure can be easily outbid. If logging companies offer more profitable terms for land rights, there is little to stop communities from abandoning the conservation agreement, highlighting the model's economic fragility.

John McDermott says title deeds alone won't make banks lend while compensation for original farmers remains unanswered. A $3.5bn deal with Mugabe's successor never fully materialized, leaving agriculture in a purgatorial state and discouraging long-term investment. Property rights, not just production, determine whether farms can modernize.

The value of prime US farmland has decoupled from its agricultural cash-flow potential. It now trades like gold, with investors accepting low cap rates (around 2%) in anticipation of high appreciation (6%+). This makes outright ownership nearly impossible for farmers, as the investment can't be justified by operational returns.

A key driver of Africa's recent agricultural success is not large-scale government projects, which historically failed, but a micro-level, farmer-led revolution. Millions of hectares have been irrigated by individual farmers buying their own pumps and digging boreholes, representing a significant, decentralized, and private-sector-driven improvement in productivity.

The failure of communes and collective ownership can be distilled to the 'wilted lettuce problem.' Without private ownership, simple tasks become bogged down in centralized logistics and bureaucracy. By the time a resource grown feet away is distributed back to the individual, its value is diminished, leading to frustration and abandonment of the system.

Despite ongoing political concerns, the most optimistic story in Africa is the rise of a robust private sector. This is particularly visible in agriculture and agribusiness, where pan-African conglomerates are emerging. These firms are creating value and operating across borders, demonstrating a new level of economic traction independent of state capacity.

John McDermott says big tobacco firms including Tianzi lend farmers money and inputs, repaid at harvest. That contract farming has boosted smallholders like Lovemore Chiwa and encouraged new white farmers, while other crops lack similar credit. Credit, not just land, is the binding constraint on Zimbabwean agriculture. Tobacco's quick crop cycle makes the model work.

A primary source of anxiety for farmers is their position within an oligopolistic supply chain. With only a handful of dominant companies controlling critical inputs like seeds and fertilizer, and processing for outputs like cattle, farmers feel they have little to no negotiating power, leaving them as price-takers on both ends.

John McDermott says younger white Zimbabwean farmers, mostly in their 30s and 40s, partner with black recipients of large land parcels from the fast-track reform. Most ask former owners for permission; one said he would rather someone use his farm than let it ruin. It is pragmatic, sensitive progress.