Initially just a few cautious paragraphs in an 1823 State of the Union address, the "Monroe Doctrine" was never voted on or ratified. It was only elevated to the status of a formal doctrine decades later through political interpretation and gradual incorporation into customary law, driven by assertions of U.S. power.
The U.S. has a historical pattern of turning its focus back to the Western Hemisphere after periods of global overreach or crisis, such as after the Great Depression, Vietnam, and the War on Terror. This retreat is a way to reassert power in its immediate sphere of influence when its global ambitions falter.
Latin America's strong legal commitment to national sovereignty and non-intervention was not an abstract ideal developed in a vacuum. It was a pragmatic and principled response, forged over centuries of living next to the United States as it expanded, conquered territory, and asserted its dominance across the hemisphere.
Theodore Roosevelt's 1904 corollary claiming "international police power" was often a reaction to "chronic wrongdoing" in Latin America. Ironically, this instability was frequently instigated by the predatory actions of U.S. banks, corporations, and mercenaries, forcing the U.S. government to intervene and settle problems that private American interests had created.
In 1933, FDR's "Good Neighbor Policy" reversed the interventionist stance of the Monroe Doctrine. By recognizing Latin American sovereignty, he built crucial goodwill and continental unity against rising fascism. This diplomatic move ultimately strengthened U.S. power by making it more efficient and securing regional allies for WWII.
The US executive branch increasingly initiates military action by citing inherent commander-in-chief powers, sidestepping the constitutional requirement for Congress to declare war. This shift, exemplified by the Venezuela operation, marks a 'third founding' of the American republic where historical checks and balances on war-making are now considered quaint.
Unlike predecessors who framed foreign policy within a broader worldview (e.g., democracy promotion), Trump's approach is purely transactional and theatrical. It lacks a moral or ideological justification, instead focusing on demanding tribute, like oil from Venezuela, to appeal to a nationalist base without building a durable governing coalition.
The original Monroe Doctrine was a defensive policy born from a position of weakness relative to European powers. Reframing it today as a core U.S. foreign policy pillar represents a significant scaling down of American global ambition, not a return to greatness.
Despite the public focus on oil, the primary goal of removing Maduro was likely to demonstrate U.S. primacy in the Western Hemisphere. The action serves as a strong signal that the U.S. is willing to act aggressively to enforce its influence in the region.
The Western Hemisphere was the initial testing ground where the United States first learned to project its financial, cultural, and military power beyond its own borders. This experience in Latin America was central to the U.S. developing its identity and capabilities as an overseas power.
Marco Rubio articulated Trump's foreign policy as a 'spheres of influence' model, a modern Monroe Doctrine. This framework cedes global leadership, envisioning a world where the U.S. controls the West, Russia controls its territory and Europe, and China controls Asia. This marks a fundamental shift from America's post-WWII role as a global superpower to a regional one.