Contrary to Marxist theory, revolutions are often initiated by an excess of educated elites, not the working class. Unable to find a suitable place in the economy, these elites adopt a resentment-fueled ideology of "oppressed vs. oppressor" learned in academia.

Governor Hochul interprets the growing appeal of democratic socialism not as an ideological shift, but as a direct result of economic frustration. She believes it stems from a generation's anger over the soaring cost of living and the feeling that traditional milestones like homeownership are unattainable.

As AI automates entry-level white-collar jobs, a growing number of college graduates will face unemployment. This creates what historian Peter Turchin calls 'elite overproduction'—people educated for elite roles with no positions to fill. This disenfranchised group is a prime demographic for socialist movements.

The energy in modern leftist movements often comes not from the oppressed but from an overeducated and underemployed class. Their resentment stems from the large gap between the life they expected and their actual circumstances, making them susceptible to revolutionary ideas.

The French Revolution wasn't a workers' uprising but was led by an 'overproduction of elites'—educated individuals who felt entitled to high-status jobs they couldn't get. This suggests social upheaval is often driven by downwardly mobile, educated classes whose expectations are unmet.

It's rarely the workers who rise up. It is the "overproduced elites"—educated individuals whose high expectations are unmet by their economic reality—who spearhead revolutionary movements fueled by resentment.

The 'overproduction of elites' theory suggests that societal unrest is driven not by those truly suffering, but by highly educated individuals who feel the system has denied them the power and status they deserve. Their personal frustration, not objective hardship, fuels their desire to dismantle the establishment.

Contrary to the historical image of socialist movements, the modern DSA finds its core support among relatively wealthy, college-educated liberals who feel they are "downwardly mobile." This group is supplanting the traditional Democratic base of working-class, Black, and Hispanic voters, who are showing less interest in the DSA's platform.

When society produces more highly-educated graduates than there are suitable jobs, a large group emerges whose high expectations are unmet. This "elite overproduction" creates a sense of grievance and entitlement, making them receptive to socialist ideas that promise to rectify perceived injustices.