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The "you'll never get fired for buying IBM" principle is rampant in government. Officials hire prestigious consulting firms like McKinsey to gain political cover. If the project fails, they can deflect blame onto the consultants, effectively diffusing responsibility for their own decisions.
A bureaucracy can function like a tumor. It disguises itself from the "immune system" of public accountability by using noble language ("it's for the kids"). It then redirects resources (funding) to ensure its own growth, even if it's harming the larger organism of society.
A key, unspoken role of a marketing agency is to provide political cover for the in-house leader. The agency can act as the "voice of reason," holding the line on unpopular but necessary strategic changes and using their broad industry experience as justification, thus absorbing the internal friction.
A lack of written documentation for strategic initiatives is often a deliberate tactic, not an oversight. By keeping big bets as verbal directives, executives can later pivot, reframe failure, or deny the original premise, effectively gaslighting their teams. This prevents creating a clear record for accountability.
In large corporations, career advancement and survival depend far more on perception, behavior, and political navigation (the "how") than on raw performance metrics (the "what"). A year of stellar results can be meaningless if you haven't managed internal relationships and perceptions.
Government programs often persist despite failure because their complexity is a feature, not a bug. This system prevents average citizens, who are too busy with their lives, from deciphering the waste and holding the "political industrial complex" accountable, thereby benefiting those in power.
In the 1960s, a NASA procurement chief warned that relying on consultants would lead to capture by "brochuremanship"—where polished presentations replace substantive, in-house expertise. This accurately predicted today's problem of a government that can no longer write its own terms of reference, relying instead on consultant-driven PowerPoints.
The disastrous rollout of Healthcare.gov deeply scarred the D.C. policy community. The received wisdom became to never bear technology risk directly. This incentivizes outsourcing everything to contractors, not just for expertise, but to create a buffer that can be blamed if a project fails, preserving the politician's reputation.
Enterprises often default to internal IT teams or large consulting firms for AI projects. These groups typically lack specialized skills and are mired in politics, resulting in failure. This contrasts with the much higher success rate observed when enterprises buy from focused AI startups.
When governments outsource core functions like pandemic response planning to consultants, they don't just spend money; they prevent their own staff from developing crucial expertise. This creates a dependency cycle that "infantilizes" the state, weakening it over the long term.
Michael Bloomberg advises deflecting credit to build political capital. When asked who built something, he suggests crediting a colleague. While others may know it's a generous framing, it improves their perception of you and creates a sense of obligation from the person you credited.