We scan new podcasts and send you the top 5 insights daily.
History shows success with new technology depends on overcoming internal resistance. Great Britain, despite pioneering aircraft carriers, fell behind the US and Japan due to internal squabbles over who "owned" the planes — a lesson for today's services competing over control of drones and AI.
The critical national security risk for the U.S. isn't failing to invent frontier AI, but failing to integrate it. Like the French who invented the tank but lost to Germany's superior "Blitzkrieg" doctrine, the U.S. could lose its lead through slow operational adoption by its military and intelligence agencies.
Innovation initiatives from entities like the DIU or OSD are destined to fail unless a military service champions the technology and integrates it into its budget. Services have enduring priorities and will not fund external projects long-term, regardless of top-down pressure. You must bring them along culturally.
Breakthroughs in national security don't just come from iconoclastic founders. They depend on senior leaders within the system who recognize their value and actively shield them from the bureaucracy that tries to expel them. Without this protection, heretical ideas die.
In multinational military operations, the primary obstacle to creating a common operating picture isn't technical interoperability; it's the regulations and bureaucracy tied to data ownership. Each nation's policies create significant hurdles that technology alone cannot solve.
A reform-minded leader can create ad-hoc teams and force collaboration between operators and technologists. However, these changes are often temporary. Once the leader departs, the military's established cultural norms and organizational structures, like powerful four-star commands, tend to reassert themselves, erasing the progress.
Even if AI technology advances overnight, a state's ability to act on it is slowed by institutional factors. The need for testing, updating military doctrine, and securing political approval for a high-stakes action means that institutional adaptation will always lag technological progress.
Historically, major defense innovations like ICBMs and the U-2 spy plane succeeded when a builder ("founder") was shielded by an internal military champion ("maverick"). This pairing provides the political cover and resources needed to navigate and overcome institutional inertia.
In military AI, being three months ahead in developing a frontier model is irrelevant if the organization is five years behind in adopting and integrating existing capabilities. The crucial race is not about invention but about effective implementation, an area where the US military's bureaucracy poses a significant disadvantage.
Creating a separate command for drones and autonomy could segregate these capabilities, much like CyberCom. Instead of being integrated into combined arms at the lowest level, they become a resource that operational commanders must request through layers of bureaucracy, hindering agility.
The U.S. military's key vulnerability versus China isn't a lack of innovation, but its slow, bureaucratic adoption process. Senator Slotkin argues that while the U.S. excels at creating new technology, its multi-year lag in fielding it gives China a significant strategic advantage. The problem is institutional, not inventive.