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The enduring political lesson from 9/11 is that in a crisis, the American public grants the government broad new powers. Snyder warns this Pavlovian response could be exploited by an administration willing to manufacture a fake terrorist attack to consolidate power, a tactic used by authoritarians like Putin and Orbán.
Reflecting on 9/11 should focus less on the attack and more on the subsequent mistakes. America squandered a moment of profound national unity and allowed its emotional response to be manipulated for political ends, leading to a disastrous, unrelated war in Iraq—a lesson in how easily a nation can be misled.
The Trump administration's strategy for control isn't writing new authoritarian laws, but aggressively using latent executive authority that past administrations ignored. This demonstrates how a democracy's own structures can be turned against it without passing a single new piece of legislation, as seen with the FCC.
Historically, the United States has only achieved national unity in response to direct external threats like Pearl Harbor or 9/11. The nation's enemies have learned that avoiding direct provocation allows America's internal divisions to fester, preventing it from coalescing. This pattern suggests internal calls for unity are unlikely to succeed without a significant external crisis.
The feeling of being overwhelmed by misinformation and constant crises is often a deliberate political tactic. As described by figures like Steve Bannon, "flooding the zone" with chaos is designed to make citizens feel powerless and apathetic. This prevents focused opposition and allows problematic policies and agendas to advance unchecked.
Emergency measures, like the Patriot Act after 9/11, rarely expire. Instead, they create a permanent bureaucratic and technological infrastructure for surveillance and control. This 'emergency-to-infrastructure' pipeline normalizes expanded government power, which is then increasingly aimed at ordinary citizens long after the initial crisis has passed.
Internally divided societies rarely come together on their own. Unity is almost exclusively forged when a common external, existential threat emerges. This was seen after 9/11 and during the Cold War, where the fear of an outside enemy overshadowed internal political disagreements, forcing cooperation.
Governments can use the "problem-reaction-solution" model. By allowing a disruptive group to cause public outrage, they create demand for action. The government then introduces broad, restrictive laws, ostensibly to solve the initial problem, but which are ultimately used to curtail civil liberties for everyone.
A government can achieve the political will for war without staging a direct false flag. A more subtle and deniable tactic is to knowingly lower defenses, making an enemy attack possible. This creates the same casus belli while avoiding direct culpability.
The tactic of stoking fear about an existential threat (e.g., "AI will kill us all") to justify a need for centralized control is a historical constant. This pattern, seen in early religious and political institutions, leverages fear to persuade the public to cede power and authority to a select few who claim they can provide protection.
The potential blowback from foreign military actions, like domestic terror threats, is not just a risk but also an opportunity for the state. It provides a powerful justification for creating a broader surveillance apparatus, using national security to legitimize increased monitoring of citizens.