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Top Chinese officials study Western thinkers like Tocqueville not to liberalize, but to avoid the pitfalls of reform. Tocqueville's theory that revolution often follows reform—not peak oppression—is used to argue that any political loosening would lead to regime collapse.
Observing the USSR's fall, the Chinese Communist Party drew key lessons to ensure its survival: use overwhelming force against dissent, prioritize the Party's power monopoly even at the cost of economic efficiency, and aggressively assimilate ethnic minorities to prevent separatism.
Understanding Xi requires seeing him as a Mao-style figure who prioritizes ideological purity and absolute control, unlike the pragmatic, market-driven flexibility of Deng Xiaoping. This informs his aggressive domestic purges and makes him a more volatile negotiating partner.
Unlike the USSR's centrally planned economy, China learned to harness capitalism. It allows markets to create wealth but maintains the state's absolute power to direct industries and eliminate dissent. This hybrid model is a more potent and efficient form of authoritarianism.
The CCP's durability stems from studying and combining disparate models: the Catholic Church's hierarchical doctrine, the Sicilian Mafia's code of silence (omerta), and a rigorous analysis of the Soviet Union's collapse to ensure its own survival.
The CCP has an institutionalized process for studying historical failures, like the Soviet Union's collapse, to avoid a similar fate. This obsessive self-analysis allows the party to systematically break down problems, adapt, and apply lessons to ensure its survival.
Dictatorships can tolerate individual criticism but actively suppress mechanisms that create common knowledge, like public assemblies or organized online groups. They understand that power rests on preventing citizens from realizing that their grievances are shared. Once dissent becomes common knowledge, coordinated revolt is possible, which no regime can withstand.
China's "engineering state" mindset extends beyond physical projects to social engineering. The Communist Party treats its own people as a resource to be moved or molded—whether displacing a million for a dam or enforcing the one-child policy—viewing society as just another material to achieve its objectives.
Xi Jinping's regime views humanism—universal values and independent thought—as a "spiritual pollution" that threatens one-party rule. This ideological rigidity prevents him from making small concessions to achieve larger goals, which is the essence of diplomacy, making genuine compromise unlikely.
China's inner circle, led by Xi Jinping, believes the U.S. is in terminal decline. They view American social and political paradoxes—like New York, the center of capitalism, electing a socialist—not as features of a complex democracy, but as evidence of a fracturing and decaying society.
The Chinese Communist Party's popular support, its modern "Mandate of Heaven," is built on its proven ability to deliver stability, safety, and prosperity. Western assumptions that the populace secretly craves democracy overlook this deeply rooted, performance-based social contract.