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While constitutionally claiming the whole island, Dublin governments showed no real interest in reunification. They even ignored British offers during WWII, fearing the instability of absorbing one million hostile Protestants, a pragmatic stance that contradicted their nationalist rhetoric.

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Beyond grand ideologies, the conflict was fueled by tangible, everyday grievances. Unionist-controlled councils systematically denied housing to Catholics to maintain political power, creating a flashpoint for the civil rights movement and subsequent violence.

The African Union (AU) maintains a rigid, hardwired opposition to any changes in national borders. Leaders believe that altering borders in one state would unleash "absolute mayhem" across the ethnically diverse continent. This deep-seated fear of a domino effect explains why even seemingly logical unifications, like for the Somali people, are non-starters.

The common narrative that The Troubles erupted suddenly in the 1960s is false. In 1939, the IRA conducted a sabotage campaign with bombings in major English cities, including London and Coventry. This earlier violence is largely erased from British collective memory.

President Woodrow Wilson's initial refusal to enter the war was heavily influenced by domestic politics. A large and crucial part of his Democratic coalition consisted of Irish-Americans who were strongly against allying with Great Britain, making intervention politically risky.

For decades, British politicians viewed the "Irish Question" as solved, leading to a profound lack of interest and oversight. This ignorance allowed systemic discrimination against Catholics in Northern Ireland to continue unchecked within the UK's borders.

Following a disastrous border campaign, IRA leader Cathal Goulding shifted the organization's focus from armed struggle. Influenced by British Marxists, he advocated for a nonsectarian workers' alliance, leaving traditional republicans feeling betrayed and creating an ideological vacuum.

Contrary to the perception of Taiwan as uniformly pro-independence, its government is politically divided. While the prime minister is pro-independence, the parliament is controlled by the KMT party, which now advocates for reunification with mainland China, creating an internal political avenue for Beijing's influence.

To articulate their identities, both Unionists and Nationalists drew parallels with international conflicts. Unionists saw themselves as a besieged people like Israelis, while Nationalists identified with Palestinians, using these global narratives to legitimize their local grievances.

The sectarian nature of Northern Ireland wasn't a hidden flaw; it was explicitly stated policy. The first Prime Minister, Sir James Craig, proudly proclaimed, "we are a Protestant parliament at a Protestant state," institutionalizing discrimination from the very top.

The Israel-Palestine conflict is often framed as a religious clash, but its root is the political reality of military occupation. The Palestinian response is a predictable human reaction to subjugation, similar to the Irish resisting the British, not a unique feature of their religion.