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Unlike tariff policy, where presidents have some contested flexibility, direct fiscal transfers like stimulus checks are firmly under congressional authority. The executive branch lacks the legal standing and operational mechanisms to distribute broad-based payments without new legislation, making unilateral action highly improbable.

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Most proposed affordability initiatives, from price caps to rebates, require congressional approval, which is unlikely. The administration's only significant unilateral power lies in housing policy, as it can direct Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which are currently in government conservatorship. This explains the focus on housing-related executive actions.

Strong nominal growth has resulted in a surge in tax receipts, up over 10% on personal income. This provides the government with more fiscal capacity than is widely perceived, making further stimulus measures—like direct checks to voters ahead of midterms—a highly probable scenario.

Investors should not over-react to congressional turbulence. Many of the most market-relevant policies—on trade, regulation, industrial strategy, and AI—are executed via executive authority, not congressional action. This means their trajectory is unlikely to be altered by events like a shutdown or shifting political dynamics in Congress.

The legal battle over President Trump's tariffs and President Biden's student loan forgiveness both hinge on the "major questions doctrine." This Supreme Court principle asserts that if the executive branch exercises a power with vast economic and political impact based on ambiguous statutory language, the Court will rule against it, demanding explicit authorization from Congress.

Representative Sharice Davids points out a common public misconception fueled by presidential rhetoric. Presidents often say "I passed this law," but their constitutional role is limited to signing or vetoing bills. The actual, complex work of drafting, negotiating, and passing legislation is the exclusive domain of Congress, a fact often obscured in political messaging.

This authority isn't from a single clause. It combines Section 8's power to spend with Section 9's *prohibition* on drawing money from the Treasury without a legislated appropriation. This limitation is what grants Congress exclusive control over federal spending.

Given a tight legislative calendar and procedural hurdles in Congress before an election, sweeping legislation is improbable. The administration is more likely to rely on executive actions, like agency directives and tariff policy changes. These tools can be implemented quickly and unilaterally to provide voters with a tangible impact ahead of November.

Beyond simple political gridlock, Congress is effectively hamstrung by four specific constraints: mounting fiscal deficits, complex procedural hurdles like reconciliation, a rapidly shrinking legislative calendar before elections, and the significant lag time for any policy's implementation and economic impact.

Despite expected legislative gridlock, investors should focus on the executive branch. The president's most impactful market tools, such as tariff policy and deregulation via executive agencies, do not require congressional approval. Significant policy shifts can therefore occur even when Congress is divided and inactive.

Classifying Trump as anti-socialism is inaccurate. As the first president to send stimulus checks directly to millions of households, he demonstrated a non-ideological willingness to use massive government spending and direct payments to maintain popular support.